In linguistics, negative inversion is one of many types of subject–auxiliary inversion in English. A negation (e.g. not, no, never, nothing, etc.) or a word that implies negation (only, hardly, scarcely) or a phrase containing one of these words precedes the finite auxiliary verb necessitating that the subject and finite verb undergo inversion. Negative inversion is a phenomenon of English syntax. Other Germanic languages have a more general V2 word order, which allows inversion to occur much more often than in English, so they may not acknowledge negative inversion as a specific phenomenon. While negative inversion is a common occurrence in English, a solid understanding of just what elicits the inversion has not yet been established. It is, namely, not entirely clear why certain fronted expressions containing a negation elicit negative inversion, but others do not. As with subject-auxiliary inversion in general, negative inversion results in a discontinuity and so is a problem for theories of syntax. The problem exists both for the relatively layered structures of phrase structure grammars as well as for the flatter structures of dependency grammars.
Basic examples Negative inversion is illustrated with the following b-sentences. The relevant expression containing the negation is underlined, and the subject and finite verb are bolded:
a. Sam will relax at no time. b. At no time will Sam relax. - Negative inversion a. Jim has never tried that. b. Never has Jim tried that. - Negative inversion a. He would do a keg stand at no party. b. At no party would he do a keg stand. - Negative inversion When the phrase containing the negation appears in its canonical position to the right of the verb, standard subject-auxiliary word order obtains. When the phrase is fronted, as in the b-sentences, subject-auxiliary inversion, (negative inversion) must occur. If negative inversion does not occur in such cases, the sentence is bad, as the following c-sentences illustrate:
c. *At no time, Sam will relax. - Sentence is bad because negative inversion has not occurred. d. At some time, Sam will relax. - Sentence is fine because there is no negation requiring inversion to occur. c. *Never Jim has tried that. - Sentence is bad because negative inversion has not occurred. d. Perhaps Jim has tried that. - Sentence is fine because there is no negation requiring inversion to occur c. *At no party, he would do a keg stand. - Sentence is bad because negative inversion has not occurred. d. At any party, he would do a keg stand. - Sentence is fine because there is no negation requiring inversion to occur. The c-sentences are bad because the fronted phrase containing the negation requires inversion to occur. In contrast, the d-sentences are fine because there is no negation present requiring negative inversion to occur.
Traits Negative inversion has several traits. The following subsections enumerate some of them:
negative inversion involving arguments is possible, but the result is stilted; certain cases where one would expect negative inversion to occur actually do not allow it; and at times both the inversion and non-inversion variants are possible, whereby there are concrete meaning differences distinguishing between the two.
Fronted arguments Negative inversion in the b-sentences above is elicited by a negation appearing inside a fronted adjunct. Negative inversion also occurs when the negation is (or is contained in) a fronted argument, but the inversion is a bit stilted in such cases:
a. Fred said nothing. b. Nothing did Fred say. - Fronted argument; do-support appears to enable subject-auxiliary inversion. c. *Nothing Fred said. - Fronted argument; sentence is bad because negative inversion has not occurred. a. Larry did that to nobody. b. To nobody did Larry do that. - Fronted argument; do-support appears to enable subject-auxiliary inversion c. *To nobody, Larry did that. - Fronted argument; sentence is bad because negative inversion has not occurred. The fronted phrase containing the negation in the b-sentences is an argument of the matrix predicate, not an adjunct. The result is that the b-sentences seem forced, but they are nevertheless acceptable for most speakers. If inversion does not occur in such cases as in the c-sentences, the sentence is simply bad.
Absence An imperfectly-understood aspect of negative inversion concerns fronted expressions containing a negation that do not elicit negative inversion. Fronted clauses containing a negation do not elicit negative inversion:
a. *When nothing happened were we surprised. - Negative inversion blocked b. When nothing happened, we were surprised. a. *Because nobody tried did nobody learn anything. - Negative inversion blocked b. Because nobody tried, nobody learned anything. The presence of the negations nothing and nobody in the fronted clauses could make one expect negative inversion to occur in the main clauses, but it does not. Notably, in these examples, the predicate of the main clause is not negated. In the example, "When nothing happened, we were surprised," the subordinate clause "when nothing happened" contexualizes but does not negate "we were surprised." Similarly, certain adjunct phrases containing a negation do not elicit negative inversion when they do not negate the predicate:
a. *Behind no barrier was Fred plastered. (snowball fight) - Negative inversion blocked b. Behind no barrier, Fred was plastered. a. *With no jacket did Bill go out in the cold. - Negative inversion blocked b. With no jacket, Bill went out in the cold. A close examination of the fronted phrases in these sentences reveals that each is a depictive predication over the subject argument (an adjunct over the subject), as opposed to a predication over the entire main clause (an adjunct over the clause). In other words, the adjunct does not negate the predicate, but instead asserts a separate negation. The examples therefore demonstrate that negative inversion is sensitive to how the fronted expression functions within the clause as a whole.
Distinctiveness The most intriguing cases of negative inversion are those where the meaning of the sentence shifts significantly based upon whether inversion has or has not occurred:
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