The Proto-Indo-European sḱé-present is reconstructed on the basis of a variety of reflexes in numerous daughter languages, many of which showcase divergent semantic developments, complicating the identification of the original function of the formation. Nevertheless, it is usually ascribed an iterative, durative, or inchoative value.
Structure That there was an original palatovelar *ḱ in the suffix is perhaps supported by the Anatolian evidence. According to the linguist Craig Melchert, the Luwian suffix -za- may have emerged due to the simplification of earlier *-sza-, itself the regular reflex of Proto-Indo-European *-sḱé-. Moreover, if the existence of a palatovelar is accepted, then Lycian -s- is also adducible as a cognate, as -s- is the expected Lycian reflex of Proto-Indo-European *ḱ. Regarding the components of the suffix, the linguist Norbert Oettinger has suggested that it may comprise the elements *-s- and *ḱe ('now, here'). According to Oettinger, the particle *ḱe was added to the imperative forms of verbs (i.e. 2s.impv. *ǵn̥h₃s-ḱé perhaps was reanalyzed as *ǵn̥h₃-sḱé). Similarly, Jasanoff has proposed that the *sḱé-suffix consisted of a morpheme *-s- and a thematic suffix *-ḱe. According to Jasanoff, the first component is perhaps connected to the desiderative suffix *-(h₁)se-, in which case the suffix was itself was once possibly of the shape *-(h₁)sḱ-. However, this proposal would require the deletion of the laryngeal following both sonorants and obstruents, whereas the thematic desiderative present appears to have only dropped the laryngeal prior to the latter consonant type. To remedy this issue, Jasanoff suggests that that the laryngeal was omitted due to a special sound law concerning clusters of the shape *-h₁sḱ-. or the analogy of obstruent-final roots. Another linguist, C. J. Ruijgh, proposes that the *-s- possibly served as a marker of telicity and the suffix at large functioned to derive imperfective telic terms from perfective telic verbs. Rujigh does, however, concede that this theory, though "tempting", is "difficult to prove". Alternatively, the linguist Andreas Willi has suggested that the first component of the suffix was merely a perfectivizing marker. However, Willi suggests that the addition of the second component, *-ḱe- probably served to reimperfectivize the overall term. Regarding the nature of this second element, Willi suggests that may equate to the k-extension present in terms such as Ancient Greek τήκω (tḗkō, 'to melt'), from *teh₂-k-, an enlargement of *teh₂- ('to melt').
Ablaut Sihler reconstructs the form as thematic, with zero-grade root and accent on the suffix. Such an ablaut paradigm is continued in Hittite, where the suffix—which remained productive—utilized the zero-grade of the root, as demonstrated by the form akkuške/a-, which derives from the verb ekuzi ~ akuanzi ('to drink'). Despite the usual zero-grade vocalism of *sḱé-presents, Sihler reconstructs at least one possible full-grade form: *ǵneh₃sḱéti, which is possibly the source of Latin nōscō and Ancient Greek γιγνώσκω (gignṓskō). However, the existence of the full-grade in this term is not universally accepted, with linguists such as Michiel de Vaan opting to reconstruct *ǵn̥h₃sḱéti. Tocharian B pāsk- and Latin pāscō perhaps also reflect a full-grade term of the shape *peh₂-sḱé-ti, though de Vaan likewise suggests possible zero-grade pre-form for the Latin term. Jasanoff argues that certain irregular full-grades emerged due to contamination with an s-present, noting the coexistence of *ǵ(e)nh₃sḱéti alongside the Hittite s-present ka-ni-eš-zi. Jasanoff further explains the irregular full-grade in Classical Armenian haycʻem ('to ask'), which he derives from *h₂isḱéti ('to be searching'), as the result of such influence from s-presents. Willi suggests that a pre-form of the shape *CéC-s-ḱe/o- once served as the imperfective counterpart to the sigmatic aorist, whereas a separate form *CC-sḱé/ó- later emerged as an imperfective counterpart to the root aorist. This new formation acquired the zero-grade in the root as a parallel to the zero-grade of the weak stem of the root aorist, just as the other *CéC-s-ḱe/o- formation paralleled the full grade of the weak steam of the sigmatic aorist.
Semantics
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